THE INTERIM GOVERNMENT

I have said that Congress had entrusted the Parliamentary Committee with the task of forming the interim Government. Accordingly Jawaharlal, Patel, Rajcndra Prasad and I met in Delhi on the 17th. My colleagues pressed hard that I should join the interim Government. Gandhiji was also of the same view. It was a delicate question for me but after careful consideration I came to the conclusion that I should remain outside. I therefore advised that Asaf Ali should be taken into the Cabinet. When Asaf Ali heard this, he also pressed that I should join, hut I did not agree. Many of my friends held then and still hold that my decision was wrong. They felt that the interest of the country and the crucial time through which we were passing demanded my participation on the Government. I have thought over the matter since then and I am not sure today that I was right. It is possible that I might have helped the country more if I had joined the Government and not remained outside. I had thought then I could render greater service from outside, but I now recognize that at that time membership of the Government offered greater scope. At the time of the Simla Conference, I had pressed strongly for the inclusion of a Parsee in the Cabinet. Now that the Congress was forming the Government, I again pressed for the acceptance of my view. After some discussion my colleagues agreed. Since the Parsee community was concentrated in Bombay, we thought that Sardar Patel would be in a better position to advise us on the choice of the Parsee representative. We accordingly left the choice to him and after some time he suggested the name of Mr. C. H. Bhabha. We later on found out that Mr. Bhabha was a friend of Sardar Patel's son and could not by any means be regarded as a leader, or even a true representative of the Parsee community. Our selection proved wrong and after some time, he dropped out of the Government. We also decided that the Government should include an experienced economist as the first Indian Finance Member. We selected Dr. John Matthai, though he was not in any sense a Congressman. In fact there was no rigid insistence on the inclusion of party men at the time of the formation of the interim Government. The Muslim League was not only disappointed but enraged. It felt that it had been let down by the British. It attempted to stage a strong demonstration in Delhi and elsewhere, but its attempts failed. Nevertheless there was bitterness and trouble throughout the country and Lord Wavell felt that he must persuade the League to join the Government. He sent for Mr. Jinnah, who came to Delhi and held several meetings with him. Ultimately on 15 October the Muslim League decided to join the interim Government. During this period, I met Lord Wavell several times. He told me that unless the League participated in the Government, the programme for carrying out the Cabinet Mission India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 141 Plan would be upset. He pointed out that communal troubles were continuing and were likely to continue till the League joined the Government. I told him that there had never been any objection from the Congress side to the participation of the League. In fact, I had repeatedly urged the League to come into the Government. Jawaharlal, both before and after he joined the Government, had also issued an appeal to Mr. Jinnah to cooperate. At this stage, I issued a further statement pointing out that the Cabinet Mission proposal had met all the legitimate fears of the Muslim League. It gave the Muslim League complete freedom to function in the Constituent Assembly and place its own point of view. The League had therefore no justification whatever to boycott the Constituent Assembly. When I met Lord Wavell next, he told me that he had greatly appreciated my stand and sent a copy of my statement to Liaqat Ali with a request to show it to Mr. Jinnah. I must offer a few remarks at this stage about the nominees that Mr. Jinnah sent to the Executive Council. Apart from Liaqat Ali the most important and experienced leaders of the Muslim League were Khwaja Nazimuddin of Bengal and Nawab Ismail Khan of the U.P. It was taken for granted that if ever the League accepted office, these three men would be included among the League's nominees. Turing the Simla Conference, these were the names that were again and again mentioned. Now that the League had decided to enter the Executive Council, Mr. Jinnah acted in a most peculiar manner. Khwaja Nazimuddin and Nawab Ismail Khan had never taken an extreme position in the disputes between the Congress and the League. This had obviously displeased Jinnah. He thought that they would refuse to be 'yes men' and he therefore decided to exclude them from his list. It would however have created a furor in the League Council if this fact was prematurely known. He therefore induced the League Council to pass a resolution delegating full authority to him. When he submitted his list to Lord Wavell, the names he included were those of Liaqat Ali, I. I. Chundrigar, Abdur Rab Nishtar, Ghaznafar Ali and Jogendra Nath Mandal. I shall have a word to say about J. N. Mandal separately. The other three nominees of the League were completely unknown. They were dark horses about whom even members of the League had little information. It is of course true that the League had never taken any part in the political struggle and as such had few leaders of national importance. Nevertheless, among its members there were experienced administrators like Khwaja Nazimuddin and Nawab Ismail Khan. They were all discarded in favor of Mr. Jinnah's three henchmen. On 25 October, the names of the Muslim League Members of the Interim Government were announced. Khwaja Nazimuddin and Nawab Ismail Khan along with other Muslim League leaders were waiting anxiously in the Imperial Hotel for the announcement. They were absolutely sure about their own inclusion and so were their India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 142 supporters. Accordingly, a large number of Muslim League Members had come with garlands and bouquets. When the names were announced and neither was included in the list, one can imagine their disappointment and anger. Mr. Jinnah had poured icecold water on their hopes. An even more ridiculous thing the Muslim League did was to include the name of Mr. Jogendra Nath Mandal in its list. Mr. Jinnah had done his best to make the Congress nominate only Hindus, but in spite of his efforts, Congress had nominated Hindu, Muslim, Sikh, Parsee, Scheduled Caste and Christian members on the Executive Council. Mr. Jinnah felt that he must show that the League could also represent other communities and decided to include one non-Muslim among his nominees. Accordingly, he selected Mr. Jogendra Nath Mandal. It did not strike Mr. Jinnah that his action was inconsistent with his earlier claim that Congress should nominate only Hindus and the Muslim League only Muslims. Besides, the choice of his nominee caused both amusement and anger. When Mr. Suhrawardy had formed a Muslim League Ministry in Bengal, the only nonMuslim included in his Ministry was Mr. Jogendra Nath Mandal. He was then almost unknown in Bengal and had no position whatever in all-India politics. Since he was a nominee of the Muslim League and had to be given a portfolio, he was appointed Law Member. Most of the Secretaries to the Government of India were then British. Mr. Mandal also had a British Secretary who complained almost daily that it was difficult to work with a Member like Mr. Mandal. Now that the League had agreed to join the Government, the Congress had to reconstitute the Government and accommodate the representatives of the League. We had to decide who should leave the Government. It was felt that Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose, Sir Shafat Ahmed Khan and Syed Ali Zaheer should resign to make room for the League nominees. Regarding the portfolios, Lord Wavell had suggested that one of the major portfolios should go to a representative of the League. His own suggestion was that we should give up the Home Department, but Sardar Patel, who was then Home Member, vehemently opposed the suggestion. My view was that the issue of law and order was essentially a provincial subject. In the picture envisaged in the Cabinet Mission Plan, the Centre would have very little to do in this field. As such, the Home Ministry in the Centre would not have much importance in the new set-up. I was therefore for accepting Lord Wavell's suggestion, but Sardar Patel was adamant. He said that if we insisted, he would rather leave the Government than give up the Home Department. We then considered other alternatives. Rafi Ahmed Kidwai suggested that we should offer the Finance portfolio to the Muslim League. It was no doubt one of the most important departments, but it was a highly technical subject and the League had no member who could handle it. Kidwai's view was that because of the technical nature of India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 143 the subject, the League would refuse the offer. If this happened, the Congress would lose nothing. If on the other hand the League nominee accepted the Finance portfolio, he would soon make a fool of himself. He believed that either way Congress would stand to gain. Sardar Patel jumped at the proposal and gave it his strongest support. I tried to point out that Finance was the key to Government, and we would have to face major difficulties if Finance was under the control of the League. Sardar Patel countered by saying that the League would not be able to manage Finance and would have to decline the offer. I did not feel happy at the decision, but since all the others agreed, I submitted. The Viceroy was therefore informed that the Congress would offer Finance to a nominee of the Muslim League. When Lord Wavell conveyed this information to Mr. Jinnah, he said that he would give his reply the next day. It seems that at first Mr. Jinnah was a little uncertain about the offer. He had decided to nominate Liaqat Ali as the chief representative of the League in the Cabinet, but he was doubtful if Liaqat could adequately handle Finance. Chaudhary Mohammed Ali of the Finance Department heard this news and he immediately contacted Mr. Jinnah. He told him that the offer of the Congress was a real windfall and marked a great victory for the League. He had never expected that Congress would agree to hand over Finance to the Muslim League. With the control of the Department of Finance, the League would have a say in every Department of Government. He assured Mr. Jinnah that he need have no fears. He would give every help to Mr. Liaqat Ali and ensure that he discharged his duties effectively. Mr. Jinnah then accepted the proposal and accordingly Liaqat Ali became the Member for Finance. Congress soon realized that it had committed a great blunder in handing over Finance to the Muslim League. In all countries, the Minister in charge of Finance plays a key role in the Government. In India, his position was even more important, for the British Government had treated the Finance Member as the custodian of its interests. This was a portfolio which had always been held by an Englishman specially brought to India for the purpose. The Finance Member could interfere in every Department and dictate policy. When Liaqat Ali became the Finance Member, he obtained possession of the key to Government. Every proposal of every Department was subject to scrutiny by his Department. In addition he had the power of veto. Not a Chaprasi could be appointed in any Department without the sanction of his Department. Sardar Patel had been very anxious about retaining the Home Membership. Now he realized that he had played into the hands of the League by offering it Finance. Whatever proposal he made was either rejected or modified beyond recognition by Liaqat Ali. His persistent interference made it difficult for any Congress Member to India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 144 function effectively. Internal dissensions broke out within the Government and went on increasing. The fact is that the Interim Government was born in an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust between Congress and the League. Even before the League joined the Government, its distrust of the Congress had influenced the composition of the new Executive Council. When the Council was first constituted in September l946, a question  arose as to who should be in charge of Defence. It will be remembered that difference over the Defence portfolio was one of the reasons for the failure of the Cripps Mission. Congress wished that Defence should be held by one of its own trusted men, but Lord Wavell pointed out that this was likely to create difficulties. He wanted Defence to be kept completely outside politics. If a Congress Member was in charge of Defence, this would give the League a handle for making unfounded charges. At the same time he made it clear that even if the League came into the Government, he would not agree to place Defence in charge of a nominee of the Muslim League. He suggested that the Defence Member should be neither a Hindu nor a Muslim. Sardar Baldev Singh, a Sikh, was at that time a Minister in the Punjab and on Lord Wavell's suggestion we agreed that he should have charge of Defence. I must mention here another small incident to show how far suspicion and distrust had developed in the minds of the nominees of the Muslim League. After the Interim Government was formed, it had been agreed that all the Members should meet informally before the formal meetings of the Cabinet. It was felt that if the Members had informal discussion among themselves, it would help to develop the convention that the Viceroy was only a constitutional head. These informal meetings were held by turn in the rooms of different Members of the Council, but very often Jawaharlal asked the other members to tea. Usually the invitations were sent by Jawaharlal's Private Secretary. After the Muslim League joined the Cabinet, the usual letter of invitation to all Members of the Council, including the nominees of the Muslim League, was sent by the Private Secretary. Liaqat Ali took great exception to this and said that he felt humiliated that a Private Secretary to Jawaharlal should ask him to tea. Besides, he did not agree that Jawaharlal had any right as Vice-President of the Council to hold such informal meetings. Though he denied the right to Jawaharlal, Liaqat Ali himself started holding similar meetings with the nominees of the Muslim League. This is a small incident, but it shows the lengths to which the Muslim League representatives were prepared to go in their non-cooperation with the Congress. In the latter half of October, Jawaharlal took a step which was unnecessary and which I opposed. His nature is however such that he often acts on impulse. As a rule he is open to persuasion, but sometimes he makes up his mind without taking all the facts into consideration. Once he has done so, he tends to go ahead regardless of what the consequences may be. India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 145 The North West Frontier Province had an overwhelming majority of Muslims; both in 1937 and since 1946, the Ministry there was dominated by Congress. Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and his Khudai Khidmatgars were mainly responsible for this happy state of affairs. In fact, we had become accustomed to depend on Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan and his brother Dr Khan Saheb in all matters concerning the Frontier Province. Soon after the Interim Government was formed, orders were issued for the stopping of the aerial bombardment of tribesmen in south Waziristan. In the meantime, Jawaharlal was receiving official reports that a large section of the people in the Frontier were against Congress and the Khan brothers. Local officers repeatedly said that the Congress had largely lost local support and that the people had transferred their loyalty from Congress to the League. , Jawaharlal was of the view that these reports were not correct and were fabricated by British officers who were against Congress. Lord Wavell did not agree with Jawaharlal, though he did not either accept the official reports, in toto. His view was that the Frontier was almost equally divided between the Khan brothers and the Muslim League. The impression in Congress circles was that the overwhelming majority of the people were with the Khan brothers. Jawaharlal said that he would tour the Frontier and assess the situation for himself. When I heard this, I told Jawaharlal that he should not take any hasty action. It was difficult to know what the exact situation in the Frontier was. There were factions in every province and there was bound to be a group opposed to the Khan brothers. Congress had just assumed office in the Centre and had not yet consolidated as position. His tour of the Frontier at this stage would give the dissident elements an opportunity of organizing their opposition to Congress. Since a majority of the officials were also against the Congress, they would sympathize with, if not actively support, these opposition elements. It would therefore be better if he postponed his visit till a more appropriate time. Gandhiji supported my view but Jawaharlal insisted and said that whatever be the consequences, he would go. The Khan brothers were certainly right in claiming that a large section of the people in the Frontier supported them. They had however, exaggerated the extent of their influence. This was natural, for one invariably overestimates one's own strength. Perhaps they also wished to impress on us that while there were differences in other provinces, the Frontier was solidly with Congress. In fact, however, there was quite a powerful group against the Khan brothers. Dr. Khan Saheb's terms of office as Chief Minister had given additional strength to such opposition. He had the opportunity of winning over the entire province, but he had committed mistakes which had added to the strength of the opposition. Some of the mistakes were of a purely personal and social nature. The Frontier Pathan is famous for his hospitality. He is willing to share the last piece of his bread with a guest and his table is open to everyone. He expects similar hospitality from others and India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 146 especially from those who occupy any high position in society. Nothing alienates a Pathan more than miserliness and lack of generosity. Unfortunately, this was the respect in which the Khan brothers fell very short of the expectation of their followers. The Khan brothers were well-to-do, but unfortunately they were not hospitable by temperament. They hardly ever invited anybody to their table even after Dr. Khan Saheb became Chief Minister. If people came to them at tea or dinner-time, they were never asked to stay for the meal. Their miserliness extended even to public funds spent under their direction. During the General Elections, Congress placed large amounts at their disposal, but the Khan brothers spent as little as possible out of these funds. Many candidates lost in the elections because they did not receive sufficient or timely help. Later, when they came to know that the funds were lying idle, these men became bitter enemies of the Khans. On one occasion, some men from Peshawar came to see me in Calcutta in connection with the election funds. As it was tea-time I offered them tea and biscuits. Several members of the deputation looked at the biscuits with surprise. One took up a biscuit and asked me its name. They seemed to enjoy the biscuits and then they told me that they had seen such biscuits in Dr. Khan Saheb's house, but he had never offered biscuits or even a cup of tea to any of them The actual position in 1946 was that the Khan brothers did not enjoy as much support in the Frontier as we in Delhi thought. When Jawaharlal reached Peshawar, this discovery came to him with an unpleasant shock. Dr. Khan Saheb was then the Chief Minister of the province and the Ministry was a Congress Ministry. I have already said that the British officers were against Congress and had aroused public feeling against the Ministry. When Jawaharlal landed at the airport, he found thousands of Pathans massed there carrying black flags and shouting anti-slogans. Dr. Khan Saheb and other Ministers who had come to receive Jawaharlal were themselves under police protection and proved completely ineffective. As Jawaharlal emerged, slogans were raised against him and some people in the mob tried to attack his car. Dr. Khan Saheb was so worried that he took out his revolver and threatened to shoot. Only under this threat did the crowd give way. The cars had to proceed under police escort. The next day Jawaharlal left Peshawar for a tour of the tribal areas. He found everywhere a large section of the people against him. The Maliks of Waziristan were largely responsible for the demonstrations against him. In some places his car was stoned and Jawaharlal was once hit on the forehead. Dr. Khan Saheb and his colleagues seemed so completely helpless that Jawaharlal took the situation into his own hands. He exhibited neither weakness nor fear but showed the greatest courage. His intrepid conduct made a great impression on the Pathans. After his return, Lord Wavell expressed his regret for the whole affair and wanted an enquiry to be made into the conduct of the officers, but Jawaharlal did not agree that any action should be taken India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 147 against them. This greatly impressed Lord Wavell and I also admired Jawaharlal's stand. Both Congress and the Muslim League had originally accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan, which meant that both had accepted the Constituent Assembly. So far as Congress was concerned, it was still in favor of the Cabinet Mission Plan. The only objection raised from the Congress side was by certain leaders from Assam, who objected to the formation of the C group. They were possessed by an inexplicable fear of Bengal. They said that if Bengal and Assam were grouped together, the whole region would be dominated by Muslims. This objection had been raised by these Assam leaders immediately after the Cabinet Mission had announced its Plan. Gandhiji had initially accepted the Cabinet Mission Plan and declared that `the Cabinet Mission proposals contain the seed to convert this land of sorrow into one without sorrow and suffering.' He went on to say in the Hanjan, 'After four days of searching examination of the State paper issued by the Cabinet Mission and the Viceroy on behalf of the British Government, my conviction abides that it is the best document that the British Government could have produced in the circumstances.' Gopinath Bardoloi the Chief Minister of Assam however persisted in his opposition and submitted a Memorandum to the Congress Working Committee opposing the grouping of Assam and Bengal as proposed in the Cabinet Mission statement. In the Working Committee, we felt that we should not reopen the question of grouping. In order partly to meet the objection of our colleagues from Assam but mainly on grounds of principle, we did however raise the question of European participation in the election of the Constituent Assembly. I wrote to the Viceroy that Congress might reject the whole of the Cabinet Mission proposals if the European Members of the Bengal and Assam Legislatures participated in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, either by voting or by standing as candidates. This objection was met as the Europeans in the Bengal Assembly made a declaration that they would not seek representation. In the meantime however Gandhiji's views changed and he gave his support to Bardoloi. Jawaharlal agreed with me that the fears of the Assam leaders were unjustified and tried hard to impress them with his views. Unfortunately they did not listen either to Jawaharlal or me, especially since Gandhiji was now on their side and was issuing statements supporting their stand. Jawaharlal, however, remained steadfast and gave me his full support. I have already said that the League's rejection of the Cabinet Mission Plan had caused us a great deal of anxiety. I have also mentioned the step which the Working Committee took to meet the League's objection. This we did by passing a resolution on 10 August in which it was clearly stated that in spite of our dissatisfaction with some of the proposals contained in the Cabinet Mission Plan, we accepted the scheme in its entirety. This did not however satisfy Mr. Jinnah. Apart from those of his arguments which I have already mentioned, be held that the Working Committee did not still state in India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 148 categorical terms that the provinces would join the group envisaged in the Cabinet Mission Plan. Both the British Government and Lord Wavell agreed with the League on this particular point. I was all the time trying to iron out the differences through discussion and Lord Wavell fully supported my efforts in this direction. This was one reason why he was anxious to bring the Muslim League into the Government, and he therefore welcomed the statement I had made in this behalf. He genuinely believed that there could be no better solution of the Indian problem than that outlined in the Cabinet Mission Plan. He repeatedly told me that even from the point of view of the Muslim League, no better solution was possible. Since the Cabinet Mission Plan was largely based on the scheme I had formulated in my statement of 15 April, I naturally agreed with him. Mr. Attlee was also taking a personal interest in the Indian developments. On 26 November 1946 he invited Lord Wavell and representatives of the Congress and the League to meet in London in another attempt to resolve the deadlock. At first the Congress was not willing to accept this invitation. Jawaharlal in fact told Lord Wavell that there would be no point in going to London for further discussion. All relevant issues had been thrashed out again and again and it would do more harm than good to reopen them. Lord Wavell did not agree with Jawaharlal and discussed the matter in further detail with me. He said that if the present attitude of the Muslim League continued, not only would the administration suffer but a peaceful solution of the Indian problem would become more and more difficult. He further argued that discussions in London would have the advantage of allowing the leaders to take a more objective and dispassionate view. They would be free from local pressure and the continual interference of their followers. Lord Wavell also stressed the point that Mr. Attlee had been a friend of India and his participation in the discussions might prove helpful. I recognized the force of Lord Wavell's arguments and persuaded my colleagues to change their point of view. It was then decided that Jawaharlal should represent Congress. The League was represented by Mr. Jinnah and Liaqat Ali while Baldev Singh went on behalf of the Sikhs. The discussions were held from the 3rd till the 6th of December, but yielded little or no result. The major differences concerned the interpretation of the clauses relating to grouping in the Cabinet Mission Plan. Mr. Jinnah held that the Constituent Assembly had no right to change the structure of the Plan. Grouping was an essential part of the Plan and any change regarding grouping would alter the basis of the agreement. The Plan had itself provided that after the groups had framed the Constitution, a province could opt out. This Mr. Jinnah said was sufficient protection for any province which did not wish to belong to the group to which it was allotted. The Congress leaders of Assam held on the India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 149 other hand that a province could stay out from the beginning. It need not join the group at all and could frame its constitution independently. In other words, according to Mr. Jinnah the provinces must first join the group and could thereafter, if they wished, separate. According to the Congress leaders of Assam, the provinces could start as separate units and could thereafter join the group if they so wished. The Cabinet Mission had held that the interpretation of the League on this point was correct. Mr. Jinnah argued that it was on the basis of the distribution of powers among the Centre, the Provinces and the Groups that he had persuaded the League to accept the Plan. Assam Congress leaders did not agree, and after some hesitation, Gandhiji as I have already said, gave his support to the interpretation suggested by the leaders from Assam. In fairness, I have to admit that there was force in Mr. Jinnah's contention. On 6 December, the British Cabinet issued a statement in which it upheld the point of view of the Muslim League on grouping, but this did not heal the breach between Congress and the League. The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly was held on 11 December 1946. The question arose as to who should be President of the Assembly. Both Jawaharlal and Sardar Patel were of the view that someone not in the Government should be elected President. They both pressed me to accept the office but I did not feel inclined to agree. Several other names were then discussed but there was no agreement. Finally Dr Rajendra Prasad was elected though he was a member of the Government. This proved a very happy choice, for he carried out the duties of President with great distinction and offered valuable suggestions and advice on many critical issues. I have already said that when the Interim Government was formed in September 1946 Gandhiji and my colleagues had pressed me to join. I had however felt that at least one senior Congress leader should remain outside the Government. I had thought that this would permit me to judge the situation objectively. I had therefore put Asaf Ali into the Government. After the League joined the Interim Government, new difficulties arose inside the Executive Council. Thus the question again arose with regard to my participation in the Government. Gandhiji pressed even more strongly than before that I should join. He told me openly that whatever might be my opinion or my personal feelings, it was my duty, in the interests of the country, to join the Government. He said that my remaining outside was proving harmful. Jawaharlal was of the same view. Gandhiji suggested that Education would be the most appropriate subject for me and also in the true national interest. He said that the pattern of future education was a basic question for free India. Accordingly on 15 January 1947, I took over Education from Shri Rajagopalachari who had till then been the Education Member. The policy and programme in the field of Education that I followed after I assumed charge would form the subject-matter of a separate study. My views on some of our India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 150 educational problems have been collected and published separately. I do not therefore want to say anything about them in this volume. I will here deal only with the general political situation in the country. This was every day becoming more and more difficult and delicate, on account of the differences between Congress and the League. I have already described the way in which the League Members of the Executive Council were thwarting us at every step. They were in the Government and yet against it. In fact, they were in a position to sabotage every move we took. The powers of the Finance Member were being stretched to the limit and a new shock awaited us when the Budget for the following year was presented by Liaqat Ali. It was the declared policy of Congress that economic inequalities should be removed and a capitalist society gradually replaced by one of a socialist pattern. This was also the stand in the Congress election manifesto. In addition, both Jawaharlal and I had issued statements regarding the profits earned by businessmen and industrialists during the war years. It was open knowledge that a large part of this income had gone underground and escaped the income-tax. This had meant that large resources were denied to the Government and we felt that the Government of India should take strong action to recover taxes which were due but had remained unpaid. Liaqat Ali had framed a budget which was ostensibly based on Congress declarations, but that was in fact a clever device for discrediting the Congress. He did this by giving a most unpractical turn to both the Congress demands. He proposed taxation measures which would have impoverished all rich men and done permanent damage to Commerce and Industry. Simultaneously, he brought forward a proposal for the appointment of a Commission to enquire into allegations regarding unpaid taxes and their recovery from businessmen and industrialists. We were all anxious that there should be increasing equalization of wealth and that all tax-evaders should be brought to book. We were therefore not against Liaqat Ali's proposal in principle. When Liaqat Ali raised the matter in the Cabinet, he openly said that his proposals were based on the declarations of responsible Congress leaders. He admitted that but for the statements that Jawaharlal had made, he might never have thought about the matter. He did not however give details, so that on general grounds we agreed with him in principle. Having secured assent in principle, he proceeded to frame specific measures that were not only extreme, but calculated to harm the national economy. Liaqat Ali's proposals took some of our colleagues by complete surprise. There were some who were secretly in sympathy with the industrialists. There were others who honestly felt that Liaqat Ali's specific proposals were based on political and not on economic considerations. Sardar Patel and Sri Rajagopalachari in particular were violently opposed to his budget, for they felt that Liaqat Ali was more concerned to India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 151 harass industrialists and businessmen than to serve the interests of the country. They thought that his main motive was to harm the members of the business community, the majority of whom were Hindus. Rajaji said openly in the Cabinet that he was opposed to Liaqat Ali's proposals and hinted that they were based on communal considerations. I pointed out to my colleagues that the proposals were in conformity with declared Congress objectives. We could not therefore oppose the principles but should examine them on their merits and support them wherever they were consistent with our principles. As I have said, the situation was difficult and delicate. The Muslim League had at first accepted and then rejected the Cabinet Mission Plan. The Constituent Asst ably was in session, but the League had boycotted it in spite of the fact that the whole country was united in the demand for freedom. On the one hand, the people were impatient for the attainment of independence. On the other, there seemed to be no solution of the communal problem. The Cabinet Mission Plan offered the only solution and yet we were not able to clinch the issue and so resolve our differences. The Labor Government in Britain felt that they were faced with a dilemma. Should they allow the present state to continue or should they take a forward step on their own initiative? Mr. Attlee was of the view that a stage had been reached where suspense was most undesirable. It was necessary to take a clear-cut decision and he decided that the British Government should fix a date for the withdrawal of British power from India. Lord Wavell did not agree regarding the announcement of a date. He wished to persist with the Cabinet Mission Plan, for he held that it was the only possible solution of the Indian problem. He further held that the British Government would fail in its duty if it transferred political power before the communal question had been solved. Passions had been roused to such a peak in India that even responsible people were carried away. The withdrawal of British power in such an atmosphere would in his view lead to widespread riots and disturbances. He therefore advised that the status quo should be maintained and that every attempt should be made to compose the difference between the two major parties. It was his firm conviction that it would be dangerous and unworthy if the British withdrew without a previous understanding between Congress and the League. Mr. Attlee did not agree. He held that once a date-line was fixed, the responsibility would be transferred to Indian hands. Unless this was done, there would never be any solution. Mr. Attlee feared that if the status quo was continued, Indians would lose their faith in the British Government. Conditions in India were such that the British could not maintain their power without an effort which the British people were not prepared to make. The only alternatives were to rule with a firm hand and suppress all disturbances, or transfer power to the Indians themselves. The Government could continue to govern, but this would require an effort which would interfere with the India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 152 reconstruction of Britain. The other alternative was to fix a date for the transfer of power and thus place the responsibility squarely on Indian shoulders. Load Wavell was not convinced. He still argued that if communal difficulties led to violence, history would not forgive the British. The British had governed India for over hundred years and they would be responsible if unrest, violence and disorder broke out as a result of their withdrawal. When he found that he could not convince Mr. Attlee, Lord Wavell offered his resignation. Looking at the events after ten years, I sometimes wonder who was right. The circumstances were so complicated and the situation so delicate that it is difficult to give a clear judgment. Mr. Attlee's decision was governed by his determination to help India to attain independence. Anyone with the slightest imperialist tendencies could easily have exploited India's weakness. In fact, Hindu-Muslim differences had always been exploited by the British Government. This had been their supreme defence against the Indian demand for independence. Mr. Attlee was resolved that the Labor Government should not adopt any policy which would lay it open to such a charge. We must admit that if his motives had not been pure and if he had wished to exploit the differences between Congress and the League he could easily have done so. In spite of our opposition the British could have governed this country for another decade. There would of course have been disturbances and clashes. Indian feelings had been aroused to a level where British rule would have been challenged at every step. Nevertheless they could have, if they had so wished, continued to rule for a few more years by exploiting Indian differences. We must not forget that the French continued in IndoChina for almost ten years, even though France was much weaker than Britain. We must therefore give due credit to the motives of the Labor Government. They did not wish to exploit Indian weakness for their own advantage. History will honor them for this judgment and we must also without any mental reservation acknowledge this fact. On the other hand, one cannot say for certain that Lord Wavell was wrong. The dangers he foresaw were real and later events proved that his reading of the situation was not incorrect. It is difficult to say which of the alternatives— the one actually adopted by Mr. Attlee or the one suggested by Lord Wavell— would have been better for India. If Lord Wavell's advice had been followed and the solution of the Indian problem deferred for a year or two, it is possible that the Muslim League would have got tired of its opposition. Even if the League had not taken a more positive attitude, the Muslim masses of India would probably have repudiated the negative attitude of the Muslim League. It is even possible that the tragedy of Indian partition might have been avoided. One cannot say for certain, but a year or two is nothing in the history of a nation. Perhaps history will decide that the wiser policy would have been to follow Lord Wavell's advice. India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 153 When it became known that Lord Wavell was leaving I issued a statement which indicated what I thought of him. I knew that Jawaharlal and my other colleagues did not agree with me. They were against Lord Wavell but I considered it my duty to place before the public my appreciation of his contribution. This is what I said: Mr. Attlee's statement on India has evoked mixed feelings in my mind. I am, on the one hand, gratified to find that the reading of the situation I adopted in June 1945 has been justified by events. At the same time I cannot help a feeling of regret that Lord Wavell, who was the initiator of a new chapter in the history of relations between India and England, is retiring from the scene. There was on all hands suspicion and distrust of British intentions at the time of the Simla Conference. I confess that I was myself prejudiced and the events of the last three years had left in my mind a legacy of bitterness. It was in that mood that I went to Simla to participate in the proposed conference but when I met Lord Wavell, I experienced a sudden change of mind. I found him a rugged, straightforward soldier void of verbiage and direct both in approach and statement. He was not devious like the politician but came straight to the point and created in the mind an impression of great sincerity which touched my heart. Therefore, felt it my duty to advise the country to adopt a constructive method for achieving its political objective. Since then in spite of a general atmosphere of doubt and opposition, I have never deviated from that course. It is common knowledge that since the first Simla Conference at least on four different occasions there were attempts both from within and outside the Congress to precipitate a movement and force Congress to resort to direct action but I was convinced that in view of the conciliatory attitude of the I British Government such a course would be illadvised. I exerted all my influence to keep the Congress course steady, and today I feel satisfied that my reading of the situation was not wrong. The Simla Conference failed, but soon after, the general elections were held in England and the Labor Party came into power. They declared that they would carry out in practice their former professions about India. Events have since then proved that their declaration was sincere. I do not know what communications passed between Lord Wavell and H.M.G. in the last two or three weeks. Obviously there were some differences which led to his resignation. We may differ from his appraisement of the situation. But we cannot doubt his sincerity or integrity of purpose. Nor can I forget that the credit for the changed atmosphere in Indo-British relations today must be traced back to the step which he so courageously took in June 1945. After the failure of the Cripps Mission Churchill's Government had made up their mind to put the Indian question in cold storage for the duration of the war. Indian opinion could also find no way out and the events after 1942 had further increased the bitterness. To Lord Wavell Must belong the credit for opening the dosed door. In spite of initial opposition from the Coalition Government, he was India Wins Freedom; Copyright © www.panhwar.com 154 able to persuade them to agree to make a new offer to India. The result was the Simla Conference. It did not succeed but everything that has followed since then has been a logical development of the courageous step which he took. I am confident that India will never forget this service of Lord Wavell and when the time comes for the historian of independent India to appraise the relations of England and India, he will give Lord Wavell the credit for opening a new chapter in these relations. There was a dinner that evening in which Lord Wavell bade farewell to Members of the Viceroy's Executive Council. He was obviously touched by my statement and told to a friend, 'I am glad to say that there is at least one man in India who has tried to understand my stand.' The day before he left, Lord Wavell presided over his last Cabinet meeting. After the business was over, he made a brief statement which made a deep impression on me. Lord Wavell said, 'I became Viceroy at a very difficult and critical time. I have tried to discharge my responsibility to the best of my ability. A situation however developed which made me resign, history will judge whether I acted rightly in resigning on this issue. My appeal to you would however be that you should take no hasty decision. I am grateful to all of you for the cooperation I have received from you.' After this speech, Lord Wavell collected his papers quickly and walked away without giving any of us an opportunity to say anything. The next day he left Delhi.

 by Abul kalam Azad